A primeira semana de Trump foi um jogo de poder, cheio de tentativas de intimidação e ameaças. Ver também: Face a Trump, a China poderá voltar-se para a Europa O imposto sobre o ajustamento fronteiriço poderá ajudar a Europa a encontrar uma voz comum sobre Trump China, o maior beneficiário do protecionismo de Trump
The New Age of ProtectionismTrump's Attack on Germany and the Global Economy
U.S. President Donald Trump wants to stimulate the American economy, but he has shown no
interest in existing trade deals or in the basic rules of economics. It is a dangerous cocktail for
German industry.
REUTERS
Combeen quite a scene at Trump Tower on Fifth Avenue in New York recently, with a never-ending parade of stretch limousines and armored S-Class Mercedes pulling up to the building. The heads of Ford, Tesla, Boeing and dozens of other companies have all dropped by for an audience with Donald Trump. The president has consistently gushed about the "great meetings," but little more than silence could be heard from the other side.
Behind the scenes, this much has become clear: They didn't come for negotiations or even to offer advice to the new president. They came to hedge their bets. They are on the defensive, in the hopes that Trump will be less aggressive with those who he knows.
Senior executives in Germany have been keeping close tabs on the stream of visitors heading for an audience with Trump, full of concern and nervous about what the future might hold. They have refrained from speaking about Trump publicly, but internally, it's the only thing they are talking about.
Davos warns ‘squeezed’ middle class needs attention
Threatened by unemployment and stagnant wages, the middle class is increasingly feeling the pinch and falling prey to populism, as shown in recent elections and the Brexit vote, international and business leaders in Davos warned.
Even though the middle class is growing globally, that is not the case in the developed world, IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde said to a crowded room at the World Economic Forum on Wednesday (18 January).
Pointing at rising inequality, Lagarde repeated what she said back in 2013 during a speech to the same audience. Recent events seem to confirm that the message of what she said then was not taken seriously.
“Now we have an opportunity to put in place policies to solve it,” she insisted, pointing to strong signals coming from voters.
Europe suffers from abysmal growth, which fuels the rising Euroscepticism fire and increases the risk of more exits.
Brexit’s impact on business will depend on which Europe emerges in the aftermath, writes Ilaria Maselli.Ilaria Maselli is a senior economist for Europe at The Conference Board, a global, independent business membership and research association.
On 17 January, Prime Minister May laid out her vision for a “truly global Britain” in the wake of Brexit. Despite the shock of the Brexit Referendum, other European leaders have done little to address the spreading anti-globalization and anti-migration sentiments. As an example of what could unfold, look to the upcoming Dutch, French, Czech, and German elections. Over the next few months, what road integration takes could go a long way in determining Europe’s growth rate and the sources fueling it.
Along with the political and policy outcomes here at home, the dynamism of Europe heavily depends on demand coming from abroad. Global growth provides tremendous oxygen to Europe’s economy, especially the eurozone, which exports more than it imports. According to our research at The Conference Board, head or tailwinds from abroad, plus internal reforms to Europe, could lay the foundation for four alternative Europes to start taking shape.
Without Management Standards Your Company Doesn't Know What It's Doing
Businesses need a concrete set of expectations to which every manager is held accountable.
There’s an old saying in business: If you can’t measure it, you can’t improve it. When it comes to improving the effectiveness of an organization’s managers, many companies struggle to distinguish the good, the bad and the ugly. After all, how do you objectively assess a manager’s ability to "get to know their people" or "have difficult conversations?" These are big concepts that don’t lend themselves to convenient metrics, but they’re essential to effective management.
A universal and urgent challenge.
It doesn’t matter how big or small your organization is, what industry you’re in or at what stage of growth. The difficulty of assessing manager competence is universal. According to recent data from Wakefield Research and Grovo, 84 percent of middle managers believe their company needs a better way to evaluate manager ability.
Trade raises productivity but may hurt some unless policies redistribute the benefits
As the global economy struggles with slow growth, political support for freer international trade has weakened, most notably in advanced economies and especially in the United States. While some resistance to freer trade is nothing new, it never stopped the postwar trade liberalization process, which delivered growth in advanced economies and promoted convergence of per capita incomes throughout a significant portion of the developing world.
Opposition to trade remains a minority view—most people gain from trade, but it seems to have many more vocal enemies these days.
Trade enables a country to use its resources more efficiently. But the gains from that greater efficiency may be divided unevenly among a country’s citizens, so that some of them lose out. The result can be greater income inequality and disrupted lives.
Over the past quarter century, the global economy has seen a seismic transformation thanks to increased trade and technological and political changes. While there is much progress to cheer at the global level, most governments have not ensured that gains from economic growth—including those due to trade—are broadly shared. In some places, tepid and declining overall income growth has brought frustrations to a boil.
Trade’s benefits have always been unequally shared, and maybe more so in recent years. But its gains are all the more important in today’s low-growth environment. Countries must protect and expand these gains through policies that redistribute them more equitably. That will also make economies more resilient to a range of market forces, beyond those connected with globalization.
Osespecialistas alertam: recordaremos 2016 como o ano em que arrancou a "desglobalização". As causas: o Brexit e o triunfo de Donald Trump, que ameaça fechar as fronteiras. Existe marcha atrás? O maior assessor político de Donald Trump, Steven Bannon, declarou que a chegada do novo presidente à Casa Branca «é um movimento tão excitante como os anos 30». Ou seja: projetos industriais financiados com um endividamento massivo do Estado. É um fecho ao comércio, à emigração e ao investimento internacional. Nem o capital nem o trabalho, que são os dois fatores de produção da economia, se poderão mover de um país para outro: o pilar da globalização. (...) Por: Pablo Pardo Fonte: El Mundo
Los expertos alertan: recordaremos 2016 como el año en que arrancó la "desglobalización".
Las causas: el Brexit y el triunfo de Donald Trump, que amenaza con cerrar las fronteras. ¿Tiene marcha atrás? Pablo Pardo
La globalización empezó oficialmente en mayo de 1983, cuando la revista Harvard Business Review publicaba un artículo de su director, Theodore Levitt, titulado La Globalización de los Mercados. Hacía más dos décadas que se había generalizado el uso de ese término en Ciencias Sociales. Pero, con ese artículo, se convirtió en un cliché.
Ahora, a falta de un mes para que Donald Trump se mude a la Casa Blanca y de 100 días para que Gran Bretaña inicie las negociaciones para salir de la UE, ¿se está acabando la globalización? El máximo asesor político de Donald Trump, Steven Bannon, ha declarado que la llegada del nuevo presidente a la Casa Blanca «es un movimiento tan excitante como los años 30». O sea: proyectos industriales financiados con un endeudamiento masivo del Estado. Es un cierre al comercio, a la emigración y a la inversión internacional. Ni el capital ni el trabajo, que son los dos factores de producción de la economía, se podrán mover de un país a otro: el pilar de la globalización.
Porque é que saber gerir o tempo está a arruinar-nos a vida?
Há uma semana entrou em vigor um França uma lei que dá aos trabalhadores o “direito a desligar” o email depois do horário de trabalho. Há anos que os gurus da eficiência e produtividade nos querem ensinar a trabalhar melhor (leia-se, mais e em menos tempo). OLIVER BURKEMAN
15 de Janeiro de 2017, 7:02 in Público
A sempiterna demanda do ser humano por uma vida plena – face ao dado inevitável que é a morte – entrou numa nova etapa numa segunda-feira do Verão de 2007. No campus da Google em Silicon Valley, a equipa estava prestes a ouvir a palestra de Merlin Mann, um autor de best-sellers e assumido nerd. Para estes utilizadores da Google, o correio electrónico era o maior problema que se lhes deparava no seu quotidiano profissional – uma praga da era digital que lhes tomava conta dos dias e os privava de tempo para se dedicarem a outras tarefas, quiçá para terem uma vida. Mann, a estrela em ascensão do movimento da “produtividade individual”, parecia ter a resposta.
“Inbox zero”, como Mann chamou ao seu sistema, assenta numa ideia simples: todos nós lidamos mal com o email. Passamos a vida a consultar cada mensagem que entra, e a ideia de que teremos de responder acaba por nos deixar um bocadinho stressados. Mas não o fazemos de imediato, logo, os emails acumulam-se e, aí sim, entramos em stress. No dia da palestra, Mann tinha a seguinte proposta para a sua audiência: de cada vez que consultamos a caixa de correio, deveríamos logo reduzi-la a zero, limpá-la. Por passos: verificamos o que cada email exige de nós – uma resposta imediata; guardar o ficheiro para resposta posterior; atirá-lo para o caixote do lixo. Depois, agimos em conformidade. E repetimos até não termos mais nenhum email. Finda a tarefa, fechamos o Inbox e vamos à nossa vida.
Image copyrightTHINKSTOCKImage captionCould a bank go under following a major hacking theft in 2017?
So what are the big technology trends to watch out for in 2017?The pace of change is accelerating at a dizzying rate, with profound implications for the way we work, play and communicate.
Cybersecurity
Cybersecurity will undoubtedly be the dominant theme of 2017, as all tech innovations could be undermined by data thefts, fraud and cyber propaganda.
Forget Kim Kardashian, it's hacking that could break the internet - and much more besides.
As accusations of Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election continue to reverberate around the world, hackers - whether private or state-sponsored - would seem to be getting the upper hand.
Prof Richard Benham, chairman of the National Cyber Management Centre, gives a dire warning: "A major bank will fail as a result of a cyber-attack in 2017 leading to a loss of confidence and a run on that bank."
2017 promises to be another challenging year for Europe's liberal democracies. Many EU member states are facing elections. But it may be cultural backlash rather than economics that will drive populist vote.
BRUEGEL BY: GUNTRAM B. WOLFFDATE: JANUARY 3, 2017
As 2016 draws to a close, a sense of unease is gripping many commentators who look ahead. This year brought victories for Brexit and Donald Trump. The outcome of both votes was largely unexpected. What will 2017 bring? The EU is facing three, or even four, elections in major member states. The Netherlands, France, Germany and possibly also Italy will go to the polls. The results of all four elections are far from certain at this stage. Indeed, voting behaviour seems to have become difficult to predict.
Economic and sociological research points to a number of different factors provoking these recent electoral upsets. The debate is broadly about whether it is economic issues such as income inequality, cultural issues such as a rejection of equal rights for women, minorities and gay people, or factors relating to citizens’ perceived loss of control over their destiny that has driven people to support populist candidates and causes.
O programa de governança da zona euro de François Fillon está muito próximo dos projetos de Wolfgang Schäuble e de Angela Merkel.
Merkel-Fillon ou la glaciation
économique de la zone euro
Par Romaric Godin | | 1922 mots
Quelle sera la politique européenne de François Fillon en cas d'élection ? (Crédits : Reuters)Le programme de gouvernance de la zone euro de François Fillon est très proche des projets de Wolfgang Schäuble et d'Angela Merkel. 2017 devrait, dans ce cas, préluder d'un retour des politiques perdantes des années 2010-2013.
A quoi ressemblera la gouvernance économique de la zone euro dans un an ? Politiquement, rien n'est évidemment encore certain. Mais, après ce week-end, on peut suggérer une hypothèse quant à ceux qui dirigeront les deux plus importants Etats membres de l'Union économique et monétaire. En Allemagne, la décision d'Angela Merkel de se représenter rend très probable son maintien au pouvoir après les élections de septembre 2017, même si la constitution d'une coalition pourrait être difficile. En France, l'hypothèse d'une victoire de François Fillon à l'élection présidentielle de mai 2017 doit désormais être prise très au sérieux. Ce duo Merkel-Fillon devrait donc prendre les rênes de la zone euro. Avec quels objectifs ?
A resistência aos problemas causados pela globalização e pelo livre comércio está a crescer nos países industrializados. Há dez anos, o mundo era um lugar muito diferente. Agora, em 2016, muitas pessoas nos países industrializados ocidentais estão preocupadas com a perda dos seus empregos, da sua prosperidade e da dos seus filhos. Vêm-se como os perdedores de um desenvolvimento que só tem ajudado a elite. O mundo encontra-se num ponto de viragem. Se, por outro lado, o protecionismo e o populismo ganharem vantagem, existe o perigo de que a prosperidade global se possa reduzir. A era da globalização estaria a chegar ao fim. Fonte: Spiegel Online
A Turning Point for GlobalizationInequality, Market Chaos and Angry Voters
Resistance is growing in industrialized countries to the problems caused by globalization and free trade. Populists like Donald Trump have promised relief by erecting new barriers to unhindered trade. But it is a dangerous path. By SPIEGEL Staff
Who could have imagined in 2006 that such an outlandish billionaire like Donald Trump could become president of the United States? Who would have believed that the British would leave the European Union? Who would have thought it possible that a right-wing populist party in Germany would win over 10 percent support in several state elections?
O sucesso de Donald Trump é o reflexo de uma crise da globalização. Ver também: Como o Google e o Facebook podem reformular as eleições A desigualdade de rendimento impulsionou o voto em Trump Victoire de Trump : un échec de la mondialisation financiarisée
Par Romaric Godin | | 1507 mots
Le succès de Donald Trump est le reflet d'une crise de la mondialisation. (Crédits : CARLO ALLEGRI)Comme dans le cas du Brexit, ce sont les populations des régions désindustrialisées qui ont fait basculer l'élection présidentielle étasunienne.
Quatre mois et demi après le vote en faveur du Brexit, ce que les observateurs jugeaient largement « improbable » s'est encore produit. Donald Trump, milliardaire fantasque, ouvertement xénophobe et isolationniste, sera le prochain président des Etats-Unis d'Amérique et, partant, « l'homme le plus puissant du monde ». Comment en est-on arrivé là ? La réponse à cette question que le monde entier va se poser est en grande partie économique. Les victoires du Brexit et de Trump sont le produit à la fois d'un lent phénomène à l'œuvre depuis trois décennies, la mondialisation financière, et de sa crise, débutée en 2007.
Le succès de Donald Trump s'est appuyé sur un double mouvement : il a convaincu une grande partie de la classe moyenne dans des Etats où elle domine comme la Floride, mais aussi les populations des régions désindustrialisées de la Rust Belt de Pennsylvanie, du Michigan, de l'Ohio et du Wisconsin. En gagnant ces Etats qui étaient tombés aux mains des Démocrates en 2012, le milliardaire a fait pencher la balance de son côté. Le phénomène est exactement le même que le 23 juin au Royaume-Uni où le vote avait basculé en raison du vote des régions désindustrialisées du nord de l'Angleterre et du Pays de Galles. Or, ce mouvement peut s'expliquer par un échec d'une mondialisation couplée à une financiarisation avancée.
O sucesso de Donald Trump é o reflexo de uma crise da globalização. Ver também: Como o Google e o Facebook podem reformular as eleições A desigualdade de rendimento impulsionou o voto em Trump
Victoire de Trump : un échec de la mondialisation financiarisée
Par Romaric Godin | | 1507 mots
Le succès de Donald Trump est le reflet d'une crise de la mondialisation. (Crédits : CARLO ALLEGRI)Comme dans le cas du Brexit, ce sont les populations des régions désindustrialisées qui ont fait basculer l'élection présidentielle étasunienne.
Quatre mois et demi après le vote en faveur du Brexit, ce que les observateurs jugeaient largement « improbable » s'est encore produit. Donald Trump, milliardaire fantasque, ouvertement xénophobe et isolationniste, sera le prochain président des Etats-Unis d'Amérique et, partant, « l'homme le plus puissant du monde ». Comment en est-on arrivé là ? La réponse à cette question que le monde entier va se poser est en grande partie économique. Les victoires du Brexit et de Trump sont le produit à la fois d'un lent phénomène à l'œuvre depuis trois décennies, la mondialisation financière, et de sa crise, débutée en 2007.
Le succès de Donald Trump s'est appuyé sur un double mouvement : il a convaincu une grande partie de la classe moyenne dans des Etats où elle domine comme la Floride, mais aussi les populations des régions désindustrialisées de la Rust Belt de Pennsylvanie, du Michigan, de l'Ohio et du Wisconsin. En gagnant ces Etats qui étaient tombés aux mains des Démocrates en 2012, le milliardaire a fait pencher la balance de son côté. Le phénomène est exactement le même que le 23 juin au Royaume-Uni où le vote avait basculé en raison du vote des régions désindustrialisées du nord de l'Angleterre et du Pays de Galles. Or, ce mouvement peut s'expliquer par un échec d'une mondialisation couplée à une financiarisation avancée.
O contratempo é sério para Theresa May: ao negar apenas ao governo o poder de desencadear o processo de saída da União Europeia (UE) forçando-o a entrar no Parlamento, o Tribunal Superior de Justiça de Londres impôs, na quinta-feira, 3 de Novembro, uma afronta grave à primeira-ministra britânica. Ver também: A Justiça impõe que o Parlamento britânico deve autorizar o Governo de Theresa May a iniciar o Brexit Brexit: o Reino-Unido promete à Nissan livre acesso ao mercado único Como o Reino Unido pode mitigar os efeitos de estar fora da União Aduaneira da UE O acordo pós-Brexit da Nissan pode levar a contas "colossais" para os contribuintes Empresas japonesas no Reino Unido "já recebem ofertas da UE" As regras da OMC significam que o divórcio entre o Reino Unido e a UE e o novo acordo comercial não são totalmente separáveis. Brexit : le Parlement conforté contre Theresa May par la Haute Cour de Londres L’arrêt dénie au gouvernement le pouvoir de déclencher seul l’article 50 du traité de Lisbonne. la première ministre britannique va faire appel devant la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni.
LE MONDE | 03.11.2016 à 11h23 • Mis à jour le 04.11.2016 à 06h47 | Par Philippe Bernard (Londres, correspondant)
Le contretemps est sérieux pour Theresa May : en déniant au seul gouvernement le pouvoir de déclencher la procédure de sortie de l’Union européenne (UE) et en l’obligeant à saisir le Parlement, la Haute Cour de justice de Londres a infligé, jeudi 3 novembre, un sévère camouflet à la première ministre britannique.
La décision judiciaire risque d’affaiblir sa position dans les négociations avec les Vingt-Sept et de retarder le Brexit. Elle peut aussi relancer la bataille politique sur l’UE à laquelle le référendum du 23 juin était censé avoir mis un terme.
This Blueprint offers an in-depth analysis of inequalities of income and wealth in the EU, as well as their causes and consequences. How evenly are the benefits of growth distributed in our economies, and what does this mean for fairness and social mobility? How could and should policymakers react?
BY: ZSOLT DARVAS AND GUNTRAM B. WOLFF DATE: OCTOBER 27, 2016
Contrary to many perceptions, income inequality in the EU has fallen over the past two decades. In the EU as a whole, and in most EU members, absolute poverty is rare and income inequality is low. Strong welfare states have offered protection against inequality.
However, income inequality has in some cases increased, measured on a country-by-country basis. Unemployment remains high in a number of member states, while the intergenerational divide between the young and the old has widened. Social mobility is weak, in particular in the more unequal economies of southern Europe, limiting opportunities for the children of poor and disadvantaged families.
High inequality can fuel political disenchantment, and may have played a part in the Brexit vote. High inequality and poverty can boost protest votes in referenda and elections.
Technological change and robotisation will not necessarily increase inequality. However, many routine physical and cognitive tasks will be automated, and workers will need creative and social skills.
The link between education and income is weaker in Europe than the USA. In most EU countries, the “skills premium” associated with higher levels of education is falling. However, there is a strong link between family wealth and children’s educational attainment – especially in more unequal countries.
It is national governments, not the EU, who can plausibly act. Inclusive growth needs to be at the top of the policy agenda, but relevant powers in welfare and education are largely at national level.
Esta aplicação de transferência de dinheiro, gratuita para os particulares, retem o lado lúdico das redes sociais. A startup americana, que seduziu a Goldman Sachs e o fundo Accel, lança-se na Europa e em breve na China. Ela assegura as transações graças à tecnologia Blockchain. Circle Pay, é um pouco o PayPal que encontra o WhatsApp, uma app que associa pagamento móvel e a interação das redes sociais: podemos juntar fotos, emójis ou GIFs, imagens animadas e divertidas, enquanto enviamos alguns euros a um familiar ou como agradecimento pelo envio. Fonte: La Tribune Ver também: Os credores online procuram dar forma à Indústria antes que os reguladores o façam Os credores online seguem uma cartilha familiar em Washington quando o controlo do negócio aquece. Um elemento central da sua estratégia é provar que a indústria pode domar se a si própria, sem necessidade de intervenção adicional do governo. Ao distanciar-se dos credores do payday e de outras empresas cujas táticas predatórias têm atraído o fogo regulamentar, os credores online esperam evitar uma repressão similar. Por: Victoria Finkleoct Fonte: NewYorkTimes
Circle, le WhatsApp du paiement, débarque en Europe
Les utilisateurs de Circle peuvent ajouter des photos, des émojis ou des GIF pour rendre le paiement plus ludique. (Crédits : Circle)Cette appli de transfert d’argent gratuit entre particuliers reprend le côté ludique des messageries sociales. La startup américaine, qui a séduit Goldman Sachs et le fonds Accel, se lance en Europe et bientôt en Chine. Elle sécurise les transactions grâce à la technologie Blockchain.
Ce n'est pas une énième application de paiement. Circle Pay, c'est un peu PayPal qui rencontre WhatsApp, une app associant paiement mobile et interactions des messageries sociales : on peut ajouter des photos, des émojis ou des GIF, ces images animées amusantes, en envoyant quelques euros à un proche, ou pour le remercier. La startup de Boston, fondée en 2013, a déjà levé 136 millions de dollars, auprès d'investisseurs prestigieux : les fonds de capital-risque Breyer Capital, Accel Partners et General Catalyst, les Chinois IDG Capital et Baidu ainsi que la banque Goldman Sachs. Son ambition n'est pas modeste : Circle Pay veut mettre « l'argent en mouvement », grâce aux technologies du mobile et de la Blockchain, comme elle le clame sur son site.
Os apoiantes de Trump argumentam que a retórica ditatorial de Trump é uma estratégia de vendas e que Trump é mais razoável e menos megalomaníaco do que soa. Mas dado o que poderia ser descrito como as "tendências ditatoriais" de Trump, vale a pena rever o modo como pelo menos um famoso ditador chegou ao poder e transformou uma democracia numa ditadura. Por: Henry Blodget Fonte: BusinessInsider
How Hitler went from fringe politician to dictator — and why it's a mistake to think it couldn't happen in the US
Adolf Hitler.Bundesarchiv
One reason many people find the prospect of a Donald Trump presidency scary is that Trump often sounds more like an authoritarian than a president.
Trump supporters argue that Trump's dictatorial rhetoric is a sales pitch and that Trump is more reasonable and less megalomaniacal than he sounds. They also point out that the United States has checks and balances that restrict the power of the president and make it difficult for a would-be dictator to seize absolute control.
But given what might be described as Trump's "dictatorial tendencies," it's worth reviewing how at least one famous dictator rose to power and transformed a democracy into a dictatorship.
A maior ameaça para o crescimento dos mercados emergentes nos próximos anos pode vir do aumento do populismo e isolacionismo nos países desenvolvidos, disse um funcionário do Banco Mundial na terça-feira. Se tal sentimento continua a proliferar nos Estados Unidos, na Europa e em outros lugares, terá um impacto negativo nos mecanismos comerciais e de transmissão nas economias de mercado emergentes, muitas das quais são fortemente dependentes das exportações, disse Axel Peuker, diretor para o aconselhamento financeiro e departamento de serviços bancários no Banco Mundial. ( Fonte: EurActiv)
World Bank: Populism in US, Europe threatens emerging markets
Home | Trade & Society | News
By EurActiv.com with AFP and Reuters
19/10/2016 (updated: 19/10/2016)
The biggest threat to emerging markets growth in coming years could come from the rise of populism and isolationism in developed countries, a World Bank official said on Tuesday (18 October).
If such sentiment continues to proliferate in the United States, Europe and elsewhere, it would negatively impact trade and transmission mechanisms in emerging market economies, many of which are heavily dependent on exports, said Axel Peuker, director for the financial advisory and banking department at the World Bank. And as developed market political leaders pull away from globalization it could catalyze similar sentiments from political leaders in emerging markets, he said, worsening poverty and income inequality.
“What role models will you find in developed markets as populism becomes more popular?” said Peuker during a global fixed income forum sponsored by ratings agency Standard & Poor’s.
The growing popularity of isolationist candidates in Germany and other European nations and threats by US Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump’s to scrap trade agreements with Mexico and impose trade tariffs on China have stoked fears.
O governo alemão anunciou uma restrição drástica do acesso dos nacionais europeus às ajudas sociais. Por: Romaric Godin Fonte: La Tribune
L'Allemagne veut combattre le "tourisme social" venant de l'UE
Par Romaric Godin | | Le gouvernement allemand a annoncé une restriction drastique de l'accès des ressortissants européens aux aides sociales. Une stratégie politique avant tout.Depuis ses lourdes défaites lors des élections régionales de septembre à Berlin et dans le Mecklembourg, Angela Merkel a clairement changé de ton sur la question de l'immigration. Son « mea culpa » le 19 septembre dernier, où elle reconnaissait avoir « commis des erreurs » dans la gestion de la crise migratoire annonçait un tournant politique pour regagner la confiance des électeurs conservateurs tentés par le vote en faveur du parti eurosceptique et xénophobe Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Désormais, elle semble passer aux actes et envoyer des signaux clairs sur ce terrain. Loi restrictive
Codetermination in Germany – a role model for the UK and the US?
BY: BENNET BERGER ANThe idea of codetermination, i.e. the cooperation between management and workers in decision-making, has grown in popularity lately. We review the characteristics of codetermination in Germany and ask whether it could be a role model for the UK and the US.D ELENA VACCARINODATE: OCTOBER 13, 2016TAGS & TOPICS
Codetermination or “Mitbestimmung” – the German term for worker participation in a company’s decision making – has recently attracted attention as UK Prime Minister Theresa May and US presidential candidate Hillary Clinton promised to strengthen workers’ rights and interests. The latter has called for rewriting “the rules so more companies share profits with their employees”. Mrs May has repeatedly stated her intention to reform corporate governance such that workers and consumers are represented on boards, to “reform capitalism so it works for everyone – not just the privileged few.” Many commentators have interpreted the Brexit vote also as a rejection of the current globalized economic system from which “the rich are gaining at the expense of the poor” (see e.g. here). While codetermination does not only exist in Germany, several authors (see here and here) have wondered whether it could be a role model also for the UK and the US. This blog provides a short overview of the characteristics of codetermination in Germany and evidence from academic literature. What is codetermination?
